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A star colonialofficial namedJohnMillard,with previous experience of setting up local councils in Tanganyikaand a former colonial recruitment expert in London, was brought infrom the Colonial Office to head up this new structure.
BothSeretse and the Federation were also issues being addressed by theColonialBureau of the Fabian Societyand the newAfricaBureau,political pressure-groups and information services in London, run bythe sort of British intellectuals with an interest in Africa who hadsupported Tshekedi Khama since the 1930s.
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Colonialgovernment fears were if anything further strengthened by a letterfrom one of Seretse Khama's cousins,CapitalSeretseof Orlando township (part of later Soweto) in Johannesburg, attackingTshekedi for high treason against 'honourable Ruth Williams...aEuropean lady—a daughter of our gods.'
The ThirdKgotlaSeretse arrived back in Seroweon June 15th, 1949, having been intercepted and delayed on the way atMafeking by Tshekedi and the Protectorate administration.
The Fridaysession saw rowdy interruptions when Bathoen criticized Seretse'simpudence, but the representatives of other Bechuanaland 'tribes' allaccepted Seretse as duly appointed Kgosi.
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ButSeretse was never to know what happened behind closed doors in Londonand Pretoria during this period.
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Seretse beganthis interview with a long set speech replying to Ismay's points onthe Monday one by one.
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1723 Oath Act required that all persons failing to take the oaths of allegiance, supremacy and abjuration by 25 December 1723 had to register their names and real estates in court. Failure to comply with this deadline would result in the forfeiture of their estates. The Oath Act was combined with the Catholic Taxation Act which looked to raise some £100,000 from a levy imposed on all Catholics aged 18 and over. An explanatory text accompanying published texts of the Oath Act made clear that the women as well as men over the age of 18 were to take the oaths if they had not done so before. One implication here was women property-holders would, like men, need to register their estates if they would not swear the oaths. However, as the returns already examined clearly indicate, many married women took the oaths who would not have owned property in their own right. A subsequent act, passed in March 1724 explained that women did not need to take the oaths or register their property. By this point, however, mass public subscription to these oaths, including by large numbers of women, had already taken place. Given the consistency with which large numbers of women subscribers appear on the roles, administrative confusion alone seems to be an inadequate explanation. It seems more likely, as suggested by Simon Dixon, that surveying the loyalty of women have been deemed necessary given the prominence of women in anti-Hanoverian rioting. Some of the ways in which family groups and even office-holders and their wives swore together suggest that re-affirming the traditional patriarchal order (ironically through action requiring feminine political participation) was one aim of these oaths.
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